Political Sociology: Key to Unmasking Interdisciplinary Hybrids in Social and Political Fields

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Is the dichotomy apparent between the society and the state, the social and the political? The phrase' societal change' has been undeniably thrown around as the end goal of some political movements, but have we thoroughly unmasked its processes, such as the simultaneous changes in the social system and political order? Unbeknownst to me, political sociology has been emphasized as a genuine field of its own. This is a testament to how the lack of clarity surrounding the concept of 'political sociology' poses a significant challenge, given that political phenomena intersect with various academic disciplines. It would be arduous to course through such uncharted waters in our political knowledge. Treating political science and political sociology as interchangeable is not advisable, as this approach has contributed to a prolonged setback for political science in Europe. It is then imperative for us students in this discipline to gain sufficient cognizance of these concepts to contribute to the progress of the field of political science.

This article made me revisit my past understandings of various concepts in the social sciences, as I must also persist in questioning the verity and falsifiability of the knowledge I have gained to ensure scholarly soundness. In the realm of scientific representation, a semblance of order emerges as variables and parameters find a structure within this intricate labyrinth. In scientific studies, there are givens that remain constant and are implicitly integrated into the formulation of the current problem. I used to find delight in such kinds of figures as it would be easier for us to memorize them during our examinations in Economics classes; however, it could pose some problems in the long run. Political scientists and sociologists presuppose that political structures are considered given and treated as external, distal, and uniform. The variables can impact a dependent variable and are permitted to undergo variations, enabling the isolation and examination of the operation under specific conditions. It then requires disciplines to establish parameters from variables that remain consistent, which are influential factors that have the potential to affect a dependent variable but are intentionally kept constant. These observations emphasize that the strategies involve successive phases of significant simplifications. It reduces some factors that need to be closely scrutinized. 

Nevertheless, the reality is that the interdependence of the social, economic, and political systems is evident. It is paramount to combine gains due to such specialization by constructing connecting linkages, such as interdisciplinary hybrids, to traverse diverse boundaries. This process dismantles barriers without negating the existence of the line that divides them, thereby avoiding any implication of identity loss. However, how can we delineate the boundary between the disciplines of sociology and political science? The demarcation occurs when the social system's formal theory concludes, and the political system's formal approach commences. Undeniably, the conceptual units in sociology differ from those in political science. This must then establish the difference between the sociology of politics and political sociology, as the former is solely a sociological reduction of politics. The latter is an interdisciplinary hybrid endeavoring to integrate explanatory variables from both social and political domains.

The article examined the branch of study that explores the impact of social classes and stratification on political behavior. A sociological inquiry seeks to ascertain the degree to which political parties and party systems serve as both responses to and reflections of factors such as social stratification, economic growth levels, and related societal dynamics. Sartori (1969) then set as a case in point Lipset's Political Man, where it asserts that in each democratic setting, conflicts among diverse societal groups find expression through political parties, serving as a democratic manifestation of class struggle. Examining their messaging and the support they garner implies that these parties articulate the interests associated with distinct social classes. These findings signify that political parties strategically involve themselves in the socioeconomic framework to pursue endorsement and credibility, mirroring and reacting to the existing social stratification and economic development levels. This intricate interaction underscores the essential function of political parties as both outcomes and influencers of the democratic process, encapsulating the intricate dynamics of social classes within the political domain.

However, Sartori asserts that neither the appeal to a particular class nor the support garnered from that class can conclusively demonstrate the effective representation of class interests. The concept of representation of class interests is ambiguous, lacks historical accuracy, and fails to meet scientific standards. The interests of a given social class may either conflict or align with those of other social classes. Assuming that it is economic interest, it may not be held by the actors themselves, and individuals whom the observer associates with identical economic interests can then be classified within the same categorical class. The reality is more nuanced, as individuals from an ostensibly homogeneous economic class may exhibit varied perspectives, values, and aspirations. Simplifying economic interests as perceived by an observer may neglect the complexities of individual agency and the dynamic interplay of personal goals and values. Hence, a claim asserting the comprehensive representation of an entire 'class' by a complex entity such as a mass party is theoretically lacking. 

As Sartori asserted, the pertinent inquiry addressing the underlying issue would be how conflicts and cleavages translate into a structured party system. This query accords equal consideration to various conflicts and divisions, encompassing aspects such as race, tradition, culture, ideology, and religion and acknowledging their significance comparable to class dimensions. Conflicts manifest in diverse forms, including regional, ethnic, linguistic, religious, and ideological dimensions. Political sociology has the potential to elucidate the processes through which these conflicts and cleavages evolve into a party system, as well as the reasons for their potential failure to undergo such a translation. The challenge lies not only in the transformation of cleavages into party oppositions. Additionally, some cleavages may not be translated into the political domain. They failed to inquire into the degree to which the functioning and agents of the political system may suppress, stimulate, or strengthen conflicts and cleavages. 

The political system and its participants' actions significantly influence the dynamics of conflicts and cleavages within a society. Recognizing the potential for these elements to be suppressed, stimulated, or strengthened implies that political institutions and leaders possess the ability to mold the course of societal tensions. This is where political sociology could bridge the gap and shed light on these realities, as the discipline necessitates a concurrent investigation into the mutual influence between political parties and society— examining how parties are shaped by societal factors and how the party system shapes the broader society. Asserting that a party system merely responds to a specific socioeconomic context provides only a partial depiction, treating it as if it were the entirety of the narrative. Given its paramount significance to our society, I express the desire that this interdisciplinary synthesis gains greater visibility among political science students.

References:

Sartori, G. (1969). From the sociology of politics to political sociology. Government and Opposition, 4(2), 195–214. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1969.tb00173.x